Tagoreimagined of a commonwealth of nations in which no nation (or race) would deprive another “of its rightful place in the world festival” and every nation would “keep alight its own lamp of mind as its part of the illumination of the world” (qtd. . In their present state of mind, my countrymen will have no patience with me, who believes God to be higher than my country” (Letters to a Friend 98). Yet his transcendent thought provides a testament to his noble and beautiful mind, and strikes a cord in the moral person in each of us. Works Cited:Alterman, Eric, and Mark Green. Nationalism in all its forms strives to glorify force and violence when seeking to free the nation from any self doubt. . The set-back to any effort to take the dialectic of securalization any further starts with Nationalism making the 'conscience' into a tabu. Inthis sense Tagore stands a precursor to many of the modern critics and philosophers of post/trans-nationalism and globalism such as Frantz Fanon, Edward Said and Noam Chomsky. According to Amy Cesaire, the imperial objective is to “thingify” the colonial subjects, and Fanon suggest that the colonisers are inherently bent upon not only plundering the wealth of the colonised nations but also to rob them of their culture: “By a kind of perverted logic, it turns the past of the oppressed people, and distorts, disfigures, and destroys it” (154). 153-57.Cesaire, Amy. Chmosky comments, “World opinion strongly favoured diplomatic-judicial measures over military action. London: Macmillan, 1970.Suskind, Ron. . The Price of Loyalty. Most often, this sense of superiority has its roots in a shared ethnicity. New York: Monthly Review, 1972.Chakravarty, Amiya. by putting the country in its place” (224). I have also pointed out in the introduction of the essay how nationalism is often used as a pretext for terrorism, factional or state, and war. 7-14.Dutta, Krishna, and Andrew Robinson. One might think that Tagore’s critique of nationalism is a little lofty and far-fetched—“too pious” as Pound might have said; his arguments are layered in atavistic spiritualism and romantic idealism. But it did more than that. in Quayum, “Touched by a Divine Afflatus 14). Thus, ironically, this world of pomp and finery, wealth and power, at its height of crisis, was left to the wisdom of one person; and had Arkhipov been as “insane” as some of the other nationalist chauvinists, the world would have almost surely been extinct now through a major nuclear warfare—if not the world, the Northern Hemisphere. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Personal considerations were added when the CIA claimed to have detected an Iraqi plot to assassinate ex-president Bush while he was on a visit to Kuwait, though the evidence for this alleged attempt looks a great deal sketchier in retrospect” (275). In the characteristic tone of one who saw a Cause greater than a living, breathinghuman being, and to whom the abstract was more sanctified than the palpable, Lukacs condemned Tagore as “a wholly insignificant figure. Tagore’s process calls for a two-way ambiguous negotiation so that nations or communities can flourish and find their own fulfilment and yet rise above exclusivism and provincialism to forge an international community. Perhaps respite will come only when the “pious warlords” (Dutta 191) after all their calculated savagery and sacrifices to the “dark gods of war” (Dutta 191) will have successfully realised Bertrand Russell’s sombre prediction about world peace:"After ages during which the earth produced harmless trilobites and butterflies, evolution progressed to the point at which it has generated Neroes, Genghis Khans, and Hitlers. West had its own axe to grind; in spite of their “superior force of character” (Dutta 128), they were not interested in the “nest-building of truth” (Dutta 214) but in money, machine and matter. This is a set of essays by Tagore on the phenomenon of nationalism as he saw it at at the dawn of the 20th century. Tagore’s critique of modern civilisation finds clearest expression in his reflections on the concepts of nation and nationalism. In hindsight one sees how true Nehru was in his prediction of the violence that was to follow in the aftermath of the independence of India and Pakistan, only six years after Tagore’s death. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1983.Hirst, Paul. Nationalists believe that the resources of our country should be for the benefit of our people today and in the future. [Who] survives by sticking scraps of the Upanishads and the Bhagavadgita into his works amid the sluggish flow of his tediousness” (qtd. On hearing the news of Tagore’s death, Jawaharlal Nehru wrote in his prison diary, “Perhaps it is as well that[Tagore] died now and did not see the many horrors that are likely to descend in increasing measure on the world and on India. Over 2800 delegates from approximately 80 countries are expected to attend. The Home and the World (in the original Bengali, ঘরে বাইরে Ghôre Baire or Ghare Baire, lit. It advocates trade policies that protect domestic industries. “Tagore and His India.” Ed. Postcolonial Theory: A Critical Introduction. Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941)’s perception of the dual role, one positive, the spirit of the West’ and the other negative, “the nation of the West” is the starting point of his analysis of nationalism, as it developed in the West. When you borrow things that do not belong to your life, they only serve to crush your life. 12 vols. New York: Modern Library, 1950.Wolpert, Stanley. The horrendous events of 9-11 which caused “the most devastating instant human toll on record, outside of war” (Chomsky 218); America’s military response to 9-11, defying world opinion,5 with massive coordinated bombings in Afghanistan, which turned “major urban concentrations [in the country] into ‘ghost towns’” (Chomsky 200)—a campaign, in which, the veteran Spanish journalist Miguel Angel Aguilar says, “we were trying to kill mosquitoes with bombs. Untouchable. The epochal shift of human society from pre-industrial to industrial economies, he argues, set up the conditions required for the creation of larger social units and economies that would be culturally “homogenous” and cooperative as workforce, thus paving the way for the formation of the more complex and intricate social organisation of the nation-state. Two of his poems were later chosen for national anthems of, respectively, India and Bangladesh (making him thus the only poet in the world to have the honour of authorship of two national anthems). That makes it hard to distil his views on various issues. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1903-04.Fanon, Frantz. However, much of what Tagore said is intellectually valid and some of it is borne out by contemporary post-colonial criticism. When shall all these most intimate truths of the universe overflow the pages of printed books and leap out in a sacred stream like the Ganges from the Gangotri?" (27-28). Like predators (and nationalism, as wesaw above, inherently cultivates a rapacious logic), they thrived by victimising and violating other nations, and never felt deterred in their heinous actions by the principles of love, sympathy or universal fellowship. ", Quite so. Lukacs, who found both Tagore and Gandhi counter-revolutionary, took the opportunity to pounce on Tagore, after the publication of his anti-nationalist, anti-revolutionary novel, The Home and the World (1915). I may have to go back later to read it in detail. 1915. A classic example of this later instance was the introduction of English language in India in 1835 with the view of anglicising a group of Indians who would serve the colonial cause. According to Alterman and Green, a Gallup poll after the operation in Afghanistan on nine Muslim countries showed “ 77 percent of the respondents judged U.S. actions in Afghanistan to be unjustifiable; only 9 percent expressed support” (236). He said that if nationalism is something imaginary, humanity has to readjust their imagination by being more inclusive and encyclopaedic, or by extending the horizon of their mind’s eye, so that the fellowship of the species does not stop at a geographical border, like commodities. This is an estimated figure only, frequently proclaimed by the post-liberation Bangladeshi government. Robert B. Silvers and Barbara Epstein. This desirable goal has been further hampered by the rise of new nationalism which increasingly is making advanced nations more insular moving away from a world minimum everywhere that Sakharov underlined. Nations and States: An Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism. In a mood of outrage and disenchantment, tempered with intermittent hope, he wrote: "The last sun of the century sets amidst the blood-red clouds of the West and the whirlwind of hatred. Ironically, the harsh reaction of the Spanish authorities served … . He was always opposed to the nationalism of Realpolitik and hyper-nationalism that breathed meaning into Thucydides’s ancient maxim that “large nations do what they wish, while small nations accept what they must” (qtd. Tagore explains this process, using a metaphor similar to Whitman’s “grass” in “Song of Myself”:As the mission of the rose lies in the unfoldment of the petals which implies distinctness, so the rose of humanity is perfect only when the diverse races and nations have evolved their perfect distinct characteristics but all attached to the stem of humanity by the bond of love. in Kripalani 278). Despite literature’s such active complicity in the formation of the institution and the global acceptance of nationalism as the only legitimate form of political organisation, India’s myriad-minded poet, Rabindranath Tagore—whom Bertrand Russell considered “worthy of the highest honour” (qtd. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2004.“Thirty Worst Atrocities in the Twentieth Century.” .Whitman, Walt. Without the soul, the individual is like a torn-away line of verse looking for the other line that could give it fullness through a rhyme but has been smudged. Despite its “mythical” quality, and the difficulties involved in defining it, the phenomenon stillenjoys profound political and emotional legitimacy in modern society. Surendranath Tagore. Especially at the height of economic crisis in Europe the recourse to Nationalism evokes thoughts about Nationalism of the past, that is when the nation state was being created in the nineteenth century. One might think that Tagore’s critique of nationalism is a little lofty and far-fetched—“too pious” as Pound might have said; his arguments are layered in atavistic spiritualism and romantic idealism. 1916. In both the novels, Tagore dramatises how exploitation, violence and killing become ritual acts when the individual sacrifices his/her self to an abstraction, and nationalism is put on a pedestal, sacrificing righteousness and conscience; how the nationalist movements in Bengal and later, during Gandhi’s Satyagraha movement, in India, often veered into terrorist movements because of the excessiveness of the nationalist leaders, and sometimes their tendency to abuse the movement for personal political gain, as, for example, do both Sandip and Indranath, respectively in 'The Home and the World' and 'Four Chapters'. conscience . For Mukherji, nationalism is just such a concept that has been molded and remolded through history. in Kripalani 294). In My Reminiscences, Tagore humorously recollects that when he was young he was brought up under the rule of the servants, who were not only negligent but also oppressive. tomake room for the political and commercial man, the man of limited purpose” (Nationalism 9). Secondly, a brief account of the emergence of nationalism and debates over its origins will be presented. Tagore deemed nationalism a recurrent threat to humanity, because with its propensity for the material and the rational, it trampled over the human spirit and human emotion; it upset man’s moral balance, “obscuring his human side under the shadow of soul-less organisation” (Nationalism 9). He wrote to C.F. Jefferson’s point further helps bolster Tagore’s claim that the discourse of nationalism overlaps with the discourse imperialism; the imperialist nations adopt the role of the Lacanian grand Other and seek to inscribe their authority unilaterally over the colonised nations; they are not impelled by the ideology of benevolence towards the colonised countries. The Congress will have particularly strong local and regional representation because it will integrate the biennial Congress of the Portuguese Political Science Association. in Kripalani 358), and Ezra Pound deemed “greater than any of us” (qtd. Both of these limitations reduced nationalism to an incomplete, monolithic and unipolar ideology—essentially inadequate for human beings given to an inherent multiplicity and seeming contraries, that needed to be unified and synthesised, through a process of soulful negotiation and striking of an axial line between opposites, to create the whole and wholesome person. Tagore took the view that what India needed was not a “blind revolution” (Dutta 240) or the “miracle of [political] freedom [built] upon the quicksand of social slavery” (Soares 115), “but steady purposeful education” (Dutta 240), or an evolution from within; “what India most needed was constructive work coming from within herself,” he argued in “Nationalism in India” (Soares 108). I wish to thank Professor John Chaffee, the Director of Asian and Asian American Studies, for inviting me to the program. The guiding principles of this intellectual movement were the glorification of reason and faith in human dignity, both of which were sufficient to break down the old belief systems that gave centrality to the church and a theocentric worldview. Tagore emphasises racial and religious unity persistently in his writings. But soon after, Tagore saw the movement turning violent with the nationalists agitating against innocent civilians who were indifferent to their cause, and especially the Muslims who were in favour of the partition for practical as well as political reasons (the partition gave the Muslims of East Bengal a new capital in Dhaka). Unlike Gandhi, Tagore believed that political freedom and attainment of a nationalist identity by driving the British out was not the right solution for India’s problems; “I am not for thrusting off Western civilization and becoming segregated in our independence. in Chomsky 237). By its very nature as an organisation, Tagore argued, nationalism could ill afford any altruism in this regard. Bill Ashcroft et al. Its very formative process introduces a self-deconstructing logic in it. Baroda: Good Companions, 1961.Schoeff Jr., Mark. Critics concur that nation is a necessity, it has laboured on behalf of modernity, and it helps to bolster the present civilization; as a political organisation it befits the social and intellectual milieu of present-day society, but they hardly claim itsmoral authority or its beneficial role in the reinforcement of human virtue. India ought to come out of this social stagnation by educating the people out of their trance; only when the immovable walls of society were removed, or made flexible, will India regain her vitality and dynamism as a society and find true freedom. First and foremost, India must address the caste issue. India: Rupa, 2003.Chatterjee, Kalyan K. “Lukacs on Tagore: Ideology and Literary Criticism.” Indian Literature 31.3 (1988): 153-60.Chomsky, Noam. Rev. Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin, eds. in Chomsky 16) and that in which, as Radhakrishnan said, “self-interest is the end; brute force, the means; conscience is taboo” (163). It is the increasing strength of nationalism that enables natio… Tagore argued that British colonialism found its justification in the ideology of nationalism, as the coloniser came to India and other rich pastures of the world to plunder and so further the prosperity of their own nation. . He was severe in his criticisms of the inability of European civilization to transmit its basic civilizational traits to others. Finally, India’s assumption of a separate identity by driving the British out has also dealt a blow to the possible realisation ofTagore’s vision for “one world,” at least for the time being, since anti-colonial nationalism also carries the seeds of provincialism and cultural particularism. New York: NYRB, 2001. It is like finding an axial line or a middle ground by shunning excesses, somewhat similar to the Emersonian “double consciousness,” where the individual is required to keep his independence and yet not lose his sympathy; or the Whitmanesque celebration of the “self” and the “en-masse,” or “I” and “you,” in one breath. "At home and outside") is a 1916 novel by Rabindranath Tagore.The book illustrates the battle Tagore had with himself, between the ideas of Western culture and revolution against the Western culture. For in small minds, patriotism dissociates itself from the higher ideal of humanity. . In his second essay, "Nationalism in Japan", Tagore emphasises the ancient culture of Japan, more than its nationhood. Key Concepts in Post-Colonial Studies. in Kripalani 72), Tagore respectfully replied, “The charka does not require anyone to think; one simply turns the wheel of the antiquated invention endlessly, using the minimum of judgment and stamina” (qtd. Mercantilism is an economic theory that advocates government regulation of international trade to generate wealth and strengthen national power. His vision is given to a “magnificent harmony” that he believes is the ultimate destiny of humankind: the enlightened individuals and nations coming together to form an enlightened global society. One form of its manifestation is the colonization of people and subjecting them to exploitation and suffering thus stifling harmonious social life. Several post-colonial critics agree with Tagore’s view that nationalism begets a disquisition of intolerance and “othering.” Ernest Gellner, Benedict Anderson and Tom Nairn have pointed out the irrationality, prejudice and hatred that nationalism generates, and Leela Gandhi speaks of its attendant racism and loathing, and the alacrity with which citizens are willing to both kill and die for the sake of the nation. His foremost objection came from its very nature and purpose as an institution. Throughout his life, Tagore remained deeply critical of nationalism, a position that pitted him against Mahatma Gandhi. Paul Hirst, a leading international social theorist, has predicted that with the prospects of climate change that might attenuate our resources and result in mass migration from a loss of “habitable land in highly populated areas like Bangladesh or the southern coast of China,” or “desertification or water shortages in the Middle East or Southern Europe” (2); increase in the global income inequality; accretion of human rights violation worldwide; America’s quest for global dominance and challenges from “new ‘beggars’ armies” to the military hegemony, as well as the general selfishness of the developed nations, threatens the world with a “conflict ridden international environment” (2) in the twenty-first century, with the prospects of several conventional wars, “to limited nuclear war” (2). . Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941)’s perception of the dual role, one positive, the spirit of the West’ and the other negative, “the nation of the West” is the starting point of his analysis of nationalism, as it developed in the West. it ranged from 2 percent in Mexico to 11 percent in Colombia and Venezuela” (200). Four Chapters. It also requires us to step out of history to reinvent a new future for ourselves that respects human dignity and sees every individual and nation as equals, in a true democratic spirit. “India’s Hindu-Muslim Relations.” .Sen, Amartya. It may be appropriate at this time to look back at some of the Modern Greats of the past century and re-examine their messages of wisdom for their relevance today. Edward Waldo Emerson. Why is this so or rather what is the purpose behind such an effort to silence the conscience has to be seen in terms what it entails. Decision according to a free conscience (Gewissen) means freedom of choice. His hope was that if India could establish equanimity between the various races and religious groups,through a basis of social co-operation and regeneration of the spirit, then she could hold herself as a model of unity for the rest of the world. It is difficult to understand him partly because he is not discussed as much as he should be and also partly because his ideas are intellectual and not that easy for us to relate to. He affirms:Therefore man will have to make another great moral adjustment which will comprehend the whole world of men and not merely the fractional groups of nationality. As Tagore himself has written in the book, Nationalism has its dimension in varied ways. London: Routledge, 1998.The Bhagavad Gita. After humanity was plentifully gorged with the blood of some 50 million people, killed in violent circumstances in the twentieth century, mostly in wars that invoked the nation in one form or another, many had thought that peace and sanity would return to the world, especially since the Cold War was over. Post 1917, following the publication of his book Nationalism, Tagore emerged as a critique of the modern nationstate. The process of formation/invention further makes it a potent site of power discourse; although it is meant to stand for horizontal comradeship, exploitation and inequality remain a daily occurrence in its body, and the nation never speaks of the hopes and aspirations of its entire “imaginedcommunity.” In conceiving its overarching ideologies it often places the dominant group at the centre, pushing the minority population to the periphery. Rabindranath Tagore was a believer in universal humanism and internationalism. The very fact that it is a social institution, a mechanical organisation, modelled on certain utilitarian objectives in mind, made it unpalatable to Tagore, who was a champion of creation over construction, imagination over reason and the natural over the artificial and the man-made: “Construction is for a purpose, it expresses our wants; but creation is for itself, it expresses our very beings” (“Construction versus Creation,” Soares 59). Rabindranath Tagore: An Anthology. This, however, I believe is a passing nightmare; in time the earth will become again incapable of supporting life, and peace will return." Juan Mascaro. It means among other things that institutional orders leave free spaces in-between religion and politics. Tagore always maintained that nationalism is a “great menace”, and that he was not “against one nation in particular, but against the general idea of all nations”. Gitanjali. 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